Ex Fata region and its dilemma

The former Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan, merged into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in 2018, continue to face a complex array of political, security, and socio-economic challenges that stem from decades of conflict, state neglect, and the long shadow of militancy. Although the merger was envisioned as a transformative shift toward constitutional rights, formal governance, and equitable development, the transition has been slow, uneven, and deeply disrupted by the resurgence of terrorist groups, particularly Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and various affiliated factions. These groups exploit geographical vulnerabilities, community grievances, slow-paced administrative reforms, and cross-border instability to regain operational space in the region. The result is a persistent cycle of violence, fear, institutional weakness, and stalled development that threatens both local communities and national security.

The challenges begin with the structural legacy of the region’s governance system. For decades, FATA operated under the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR), a colonial-era framework that denied residents political representation, judicial rights, and participation in mainstream state institutions. The absence of formal policing, codified laws, land records, and civilian administrative structures allowed parallel power networks to emerge, including tribal militias, militant commanders, and informal dispute resolution bodies. Even after the merger, these gaps remain unresolved in many districts because the state has struggled to extend its writ through fully functional courts, land management offices, service delivery structures, and local government mechanisms. In this vacuum, terrorist organizations find opportunities to intimidate populations, capture space, and influence local dynamics.

Security challenges are further intensified by the region’s rugged terrain and porous border with Afghanistan. This geography makes surveillance and control difficult, enabling militants to move across mountainous routes, establish sanctuaries, and stage cross-border attacks. The instability in Afghanistan after the political transition of August 2021 has created additional complications. The presence of sympathizers, ideological overlap between groups, and limited counterterrorism coordination across the border allow TTP factions to regroup, train, and reorganize. Communities in North Waziristan, South Waziristan, Bajaur, Khyber, Orakzai, and Kurram frequently report targeted killings, extortion threats, and intimidation by militants who take advantage of Pakistan’s limited administrative reach in remote areas. The fear created by these incidents undermines citizen trust in both the security apparatus and emerging civil institutions.

Another key hurdle is the economic fragility of the merged districts. Decades of conflict destroyed physical infrastructure, businesses, agricultural lands, and trade networks. Numerous communities faced displacement multiple times, returning to damaged homes and limited livelihood opportunities. The formal economy remains minimal, relying heavily on subsistence agriculture, cross-border trade, small markets, and remittances. Investment is discouraged by security concerns and the slow implementation of the Tribal Decade Strategy and Annual Development Plans, which often suffer from delayed releases, bureaucratic bottlenecks, and capacity constraints at the district level. Militants exploit economic deprivation by recruiting frustrated youth, taxing transport routes, and extorting businesses. A population that lacks economic opportunity becomes vulnerable to coercion and radical narratives, making sustainable peace difficult to achieve.

Social systems in the merged districts are equally strained. The education sector faces weak infrastructure, teacher shortages, low enrolment, and limited access to secondary and higher education institutions. Girls face compounded barriers due to conservative norms, long distances to schools, and security risks. The destruction of schools by militants in past conflicts continues to affect the availability of functional facilities. Health services are similarly inadequate. Many areas lack hospitals, specialists, ambulances, and emergency response systems, and women struggle even more due to cultural constraints on mobility, shortages of female medical staff, and unreliable referral systems. Mental health needs remain largely unaddressed despite the deep psychological impact of years of displacement, attacks, and uncertainty. Weak social services leave communities more vulnerable to militant influence and weaken their resilience against extremist narratives.

The policing and justice systems, essential to long-term rule of law, also face serious challenges. The merger requires the expansion of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Police into former tribal areas, but recruitment, training, and deployment have lagged behind expectations. Levies and Khasadar forces, who previously maintained order under the old system, have struggled to integrate into the formal police structure. Delayed salary disbursements, unclear command structures, and slow professionalization have hampered performance. Courts established in the merged districts often face security threats, low staffing, and limited facilities. Pendency of cases remains high, and communities accustomed to jirga systems often hesitate to engage with formal courts due to perceptions of sluggish service delivery. Where police and courts remain weak, terrorists intimidate residents and enforce their own forms of parallel justice, undermining state legitimacy.

Political challenges further complicate the situation. While the merger granted residents representation in the provincial legislature, local government elections were delayed, incomplete, or contested. At the district level, governance remains fragile because administrators often manage overwhelming responsibilities with limited staff, insufficient funds, and inadequate training. The absence of empowered local bodies prevents communities from participating meaningfully in identifying development needs, ensuring accountability, and strengthening democratic engagement. Frustration among youth, civil society, and business communities deepens when governance feels distant or unresponsive. In such environments, militants can portray the state as ineffective, strengthening their own leverage.

Community-level grievances, particularly regarding land rights, checkpoints, military operations, and displacement compensation, create tension between civilians and state institutions. Many households report unresolved property disputes due to the absence of proper land records and cadastral systems. Others feel alienated by the militarization that was necessary during counterterrorism operations but remains sensitive in daily civilian life. While security operations have significantly reduced violence over the years, confidence-building measures between residents and security forces have not always kept pace. Militants exploit these gaps by spreading disinformation, creating divisions, and positioning themselves as protectors against perceived injustices.

A sustainable policy response requires addressing each dimension of this multifaceted crisis. Strengthening the security framework must remain a priority, but military action alone cannot stabilize the region. A coordinated counterterrorism approach, combining policing, intelligence-sharing, targeted operations, and border security reforms, is necessary to limit militant mobility and influence. Police integration should be accelerated through high-quality training, standardized pay, modern equipment, and community policing models that rebuild trust. It is essential to ensure that Levies and Khasadar personnel receive predictable career paths, clarity of roles, and institutional support to prevent disenchantment within the ranks.

Development investments must be significantly expanded and insulated from political cycles. Transparent and timely financial disbursements for infrastructure, health, education, energy, and agriculture are vital to reducing poverty and stabilizing communities. Creating economic zones, reviving cross-border trade hubs, and expanding vocational training centers can generate employment for youth, particularly in sectors like construction, logistics, minerals, and small industries. Ensuring women’s participation in development programs is crucial because their exclusion weakens household resilience and slows social transformation. Safe transport programs, women’s employment schemes, and female-led community organizations can help bridge gender gaps.

Improving social services requires a long-term commitment to building schools, training teachers, hiring female staff, upgrading hospitals, and establishing emergency care systems. Mental health support programs, especially for youth and women, should be integrated into health services to address trauma that fuels frustration and despair. Justice reforms must ensure functional courts, trained judges, and legal aid systems so that communities see the state as a provider of fair dispute resolution rather than relying on militant-imposed punishments.

Above all, political inclusion and responsive governance will determine the success of the merger. Strengthening local governments, fixing administrative bottlenecks, and empowering district-level institutions can restore trust in the state. Continuous dialogue with tribal elders, religious leaders, civil society, and youth groups is essential to counter misinformation and foster community ownership of reforms. Transparency in development spending, grievance-redressal mechanisms, and public oversight can weaken the hold of militant narratives that feed on perceptions of injustice.

The challenges facing the former FATA region are profound but not insurmountable. A coordinated strategy grounded in security, development, justice, and political empowerment can reshape the region’s future. Ending the cycle of militancy requires not only defeating terrorists but building a system where communities experience peace, justice, and opportunity in their everyday lives.

Roshan khan wazir is a freelance journalist and analyst from KPK, Ex Tribal Area. He has feature reports, development stories and articles for the local, national and international news agencies. He has featured stories as a correspondent on Bloomberg and CNN.